USA TODAY delivers current national and local news, sports, entertainment, finance, technology, and more through award-winning journalism, photos, and videos. Sometimes, the urge to do something bad overcomes us, or we do not think about the consequences of our actions. Either way, whenever our behaviour is deemed undesirable, we are punished. Punishments keep us in line and are supposed to make us reflect on our actions. The place where punishments are. Примеры использования наказание в предложениях и их переводы. Любому лицу, финансирующему террористические акты, назначается наказание в виде лишения свободы сроком до 10 лет.
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английский язык онлайн. Еще значения слова и перевод PUNISHMENT с английского на русский язык в англо-русских словарях и с русского на английский язык в русско-английских словарях. Breaking news, live coverage, investigations, analysis, video, photos and opinions from The Washington Post. Subscribe for the latest on U.S. and international news, politics, business, technology, climate change, health and wellness, sports, science, weather, lifestyle and more. Breaking news, live coverage, investigations, analysis, video, photos and opinions from The Washington Post. Subscribe for the latest on U.S. and international news, politics, business, technology, climate change, health and wellness, sports, science, weather, lifestyle and more. Open access academic research from top universities on the subject of Criminal Law. Англичанину, осквернившему памятник советскому футболисту Федору Черенкову, грозит административное наказание, сообщает ТАСС.
В Британии анонсировали ужесточение наказания за нарушение закона о шпионаже
Study with Quizlet and memorize flashcards containing terms like buily, cheat, fight and more. Русско-английский словарь. Перевод «Наказание». на английский язык: «punishment». Тайский лидер угрожает наказанием за ложные новости о вакцине. Статья подается в оригинале (на английском) и переводе (перевод не дословный). Sometimes, the urge to do something bad overcomes us, or we do not think about the consequences of our actions. Either way, whenever our behaviour is deemed undesirable, we are punished. Punishments keep us in line and are supposed to make us reflect on our actions. The place where punishments are.
News is bad for you — Не смотрите новости. Статья на английском и русском
Nerve cells routinely break old connections and form new ones. The more news we consume, the more we exercise the neural circuits devoted to skimming and multitasking while ignoring those used for reading deeply and thinking with profound focus. Most news consumers — even if they used to be avid book readers — have lost the ability to absorb lengthy articles or books. After four, five pages they get tired, their concentration vanishes, they become restless. Новости работают как наркотик Узнав о каком-либо происшествии, мы хотим узнать и чем оно закончится. Помня о сотнях сюжетов из новостей, мы все меньше способны контролировать это стремление. Ученые привыкли думать, что плотные связи среди 100 миллиардов нейронов в наших головах уже окончательно сложились к тому моменту, когда мы достигаем зрелого возраста.
Сегодня мы знаем, что это не так. Нервные клетки регулярно разрывают старые связи и образуют новые. Чем больше новостей мы потребляем, тем больше мы тренируем нейронные цепи, отвечающие за поверхностное ознакомление и выполнение множественных задач, игнорируя те, которые отвечают за чтение и сосредоточенное мышление. Большинство потребителей новостей — даже если они раньше были заядлыми читателями книг — потеряли способность читать большие статьи или книги. После четырех-пяти страниц они устают, концентрация исчезает, появляется беспокойство. Это не потому, что они стали старше или у них появилось много дел.
Просто физическая структура мозга изменилась. News wastes time. Information is no longer a scarce commodity. But attention is. You are not that irresponsible with your money, reputation or health. Why give away your mind?
Новости убивают время Если вы читаете новости по 15 минут утром, потом просматриваете их 15 минут в середине дня, 15 минут перед сном, еще по 5 минут на работе, теперь сосчитаем, сколько времени вы сфокусированы на новостях, то вы теряете как минимум пол дня еженедельно. Новости — не столь ценный товар по сравнению с нашим вниманием. Мы уделяем внимание деньгам, репутации, здоровью. Почему же не заботимся о собственном сознании. News makes us passive. News stories are overwhelmingly about things you cannot influence.
It grinds us down until we adopt a worldview that is pessimistic, desensitised, sarcastic and fatalistic. The scientific term is «learned helplessness». Новости делают нас пассивными Подавляющее большинство новостей рассказывают о вещах, на которые вы не можете повлиять. Ежедневное повторение того, что мы бессильны делает нас пассивными. Они перемалывают нас, пока мы не смиримся с пессимистичным, бесчувственным, саркастическим и фаталистическим мировоззрением. Есть термин для этого явления — «заученная беспомощность».
Я не удивлюсь, если узнаю, что новости являются одной из причин распространяющейся массовой депрессии. News kills creativity. Finally, things we already know limit our creativity. This is one reason that mathematicians, novelists, composers and entrepreneurs often produce their most creative works at a young age. Their brains enjoy a wide, uninhabited space that emboldens them to come up with and pursue novel ideas. On the other hand, I know a bunch of viciously uncreative minds who consume news like drugs.
If you want to come up with old solutions, read news. Society needs journalism — but in a different way. Investigative journalism is always relevant.
Наш мозг жаждет историй, которые «имеют смысл», даже если они не соответствуют действительности. Любой журналист, который пишет, что «рынок существует благодаря X» или «компания обанкротилась из-за Y», — идиот. Мы сыты по горло этим дешевым способом «объяснения» мира.
News inhibits thinking. Thinking requires concentration. Concentration requires uninterrupted time. News pieces are specifically engineered to interrupt you. They are like viruses that steal attention for their own purposes. News makes us shallow thinkers.
News severely affects memory. There are two types of memory. The path from short-term to long-term memory is a choke-point in the brain, but anything you want to understand must pass through it. If this passageway is disrupted, nothing gets through. Because news disrupts concentration, it weakens comprehension. Online news has an even worse impact.
News is an intentional interruption system. Новости подавляют мышление Мышление требует концентрации. Концентрация требует непрерывного времени. Новости специально разработаны, чтобы прерывать вас. Они похожи на вирусы, которые крадут ваше внимание для своих целей. Новости уменьшают количество думающих людей.
Новости серьезно влияют на память. Так как новости нарушают концентрацию, они ослабляют понимание. Есть два типа памяти. Долгосрочная память имеет практические неисчерпаемый объем. Но короткосрочная оперативная память ограничена определенным объемом поступающей информации. ТО, что вы хотите понять и осознать, должно пройти путь в долгосрочную память из короткосрочной.
Если фильтр забит, то по-настоящему важная информация не сможет через него пробиться. Новости снижают нашу концентрацию на важном. Онлайн новости — и того хуже. Новости можно назвать международной системой разрушения внимания. News works like a drug. As stories develop, we want to know how they continue.
With hundreds of arbitrary storylines in our heads, this craving is increasingly compelling and hard to ignore. Scientists used to think that the dense connections formed among the 100 billion neurons inside our skulls were largely fixed by the time we reached adulthood. Today we know that this is not the case. Nerve cells routinely break old connections and form new ones. The more news we consume, the more we exercise the neural circuits devoted to skimming and multitasking while ignoring those used for reading deeply and thinking with profound focus. Most news consumers — even if they used to be avid book readers — have lost the ability to absorb lengthy articles or books.
After four, five pages they get tired, their concentration vanishes, they become restless.
As she leaves, Raskolnikov asks for her address and tells her that he will visit her soon. Raskolnikov immediately senses that Porfiry knows that he is the murderer. Porfiry, who has just been discussing the case with Zamyotov, adopts an ironic tone during the conversation. An appointment is made for an interview the following morning at the police bureau. Leaving Razumikhin with his mother and sister, Raskolnikov returns to his own building.
Raskolnikov tries to find out what he wants, but the artisan says only one word — "murderer", and walks off. Petrified, Raskolnikov returns to his room and falls into thought and then sleep. He wakens from an eerie nightmare about the murder of the old woman to find another complete stranger present, this time a man of aristocratic appearance. The man politely introduces himself as Arkady Ivanovich Svidrigailov. He claims to no longer have any romantic interest in Dunya, but wants to stop her from marrying Luzhin, and offers her ten thousand roubles. Raskolnikov refuses the money on her behalf and refuses to facilitate a meeting.
Svidrigailov also mentions that his wife, who defended Dunya at the time of the unpleasantness but died shortly afterwards, has left her 3000 rubles in her will. The meeting with Luzhin that evening begins with talk of Svidrigailov—his depraved character, his presence in Petersburg, the unexpected death of his wife and the 3000 rubles left to Dunya. Luzhin takes offence when Dunya insists on resolving the issue with her brother, and when Raskolnikov draws attention to the slander in his letter, Luzhin becomes reckless, exposing his true character. Dunya tells him to leave and never come back. Now free and with significant capital, they excitedly begin to discuss plans for the future, but Raskolnikov suddenly gets up and leaves, telling them, to their great consternation, that it might be the last time he sees them. He instructs the baffled Razumikhin to remain and always care for them.
She is gratified that he is visiting her, but also frightened of his strange manner. He asks a series of merciless questions about her terrible situation and that of Katerina Ivanovna and the children. Raskolnikov begins to realize that Sonya is sustained only by her faith in God. She reveals that she was a friend of the murdered Lizaveta. In fact, Lizaveta gave her a cross and a copy of the Gospels. She passionately reads to him the story of the raising of Lazarus from the Gospel of John.
His fascination with her, which had begun at the time when her father spoke of her, increases and he decides that they must face the future together. As he leaves he tells her that he will come back tomorrow and tell her who killed her friend Lizaveta. When Raskolnikov presents himself for his interview, Porfiry resumes and intensifies his insinuating, provocative, ironic chatter, without ever making a direct accusation.
It is shown by life-course studies [47] that long sentences for burglaries amongst offenders in their late teens and early twenties fail to incapacitate when the natural reduction in offending due to ageing is taken into account: the longer the sentence, in these cases, the less the incapacitative effect. Sometimes viewed as a way of "getting even" with a wrongdoer—the suffering of the wrongdoer is seen as a desired goal in itself, even if it has no restorative benefits for the victim. One reason societies have administered punishments is to diminish the perceived need for retaliatory "street justice", blood feud , and vigilantism. Main article: Restorative justice Especially applied to minor offenses, punishment may take the form of the offender "righting the wrong", or making restitution to the victim. Community service or compensation orders are examples of this sort of penalty. Punishment can serve as a means for society to publicly express denunciation of an action as being criminal. Besides educating people regarding what is not acceptable behavior, it serves the dual function of preventing vigilante justice by acknowledging public anger, while concurrently deterring future criminal activity by stigmatizing the offender. This is sometimes called the "Expressive Theory" of denunciation. The critics argue that some individuals spending time and energy and taking risks in punishing others, and the possible loss of the punished group members, would have been selected against if punishment served no function other than signals that could evolve to work by less risky means. Instead of punishment requiring we choose between them, unified theorists argue that they work together as part of some wider goal such as the protection of rights. Critics argue that punishment is simply revenge.
В Британии ввели уголовное наказание за угрозы в интернете и издевательство над людьми с эпилепсией
If the passions, or the necessity of war, have taught men to shed blood of their fellow creatures, the laws, which are intended to moderate the ferocity of mankind, should not increase it by examples of barbarity. It is even more horrible that this punishment is usually attended with formal pageantry. It is better to prevent crimes than to punish them. This should be the fundamental principle of any good legislation. Под справедливостью мы понимаем узы, которые необходимо сохраняют интересы людей объединенными, без которых люди вернутся в первоначальное состояние варварства. Все наказания, которые превышают необходимость сохранения этой связи, являются по своей природе несправедливыми. Конечной целью наказания является не что иное, как предотвращение нанесения преступником нового вреда обществу, и препятствование подобных преступлений. Следовательно, должны быть выбраны такое наказания и такие способы нанесения их, которые произведут самые сильные и неизгладимые впечатления на умы других людей, с наименьшей мукой для преступника. Пытки преступника в ходе судебного процесса над ним являются жестоким освященным обычаем в большинстве стран.
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All punishments which exceed the necessity of preserving this bond are unjust in their nature. The result of any punishment should be no other than prevention a criminal from doing further injury to society, and prevention others from committing the like offence. Therefore there ought to be chosen such punishments and such modes of inflicting them that make the strongest and most lasting impressions on the minds of others, with the least torment to the body of the criminal. The torture of a criminal during the course of his trial is a cruelty consecrated by custom in most nations. It is used with an intent either to make him confess in his crime, or to explain some contradiction into which he had been led during his examination, or discover his accomplices, or for some kind of metaphysical and incomprehensible purgation of infamy, or, finally, in order to discover other crimes of which he is not accused of, but of which he may be guilty. No man can be judged a criminal until he is found guilty; nor can society take from him the public protection until it has been proved that he has violated the conditions on which it was granted. In the eye of the law, every man is innocent until his crime has been proved. Crimes are more effectually prevented by the certainty than the severity of punishment.
The more cruel the punishments become, the more hardened and insensible people turn to be.
In the eye of the law, every man is innocent until his crime has been proved. Crimes are more effectually prevented by the certainty than the severity of punishment. The more cruel the punishments become, the more hardened and insensible people turn to be. All severity is superfluous, and therefore tyrannical.
The death penalty is pernicious to society, it is the example of barbarity. If the passions, or the necessity of war, have taught men to shed blood of their fellow creatures, the laws, which are intended to moderate the ferocity of mankind, should not increase it by examples of barbarity. It is even more horrible that this punishment is usually attended with formal pageantry. It is better to prevent crimes than to punish them. This should be the fundamental principle of any good legislation.
Punishment – наказание
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Последнее преступление часто направлено на детей, поэтому за него грозит самое суровое наказание — до 5 лет лишения свободы. Люди, решившие отомстить бывшему партнеру и разославшие его интимные фото посторонним, рискуют оказаться в тюрьме на срок от 6 месяцев до 2 лет; такое же наказание ждет тех, кто рассылает собственные интимные фотографии в приложениях для знакомств или по AirDrop. Он разработан для защиты людей с эпилепсией, которые часто сталкиваются в сети с троллями, отправляющими мерцающие изображения. Подобные файлы могут спровоцировать эпилептические припадки и наносят людям серьезный физический и психологический ущерб.
Punish gains the effect of every rune. Crusader Only. Наказание мира нашего было на Нем, и ранами Его мы исцелились. The chastisement for our peace was upon him, and by his stripes we are healed. Осужденные, отбывающие наказание в тюрьмах, вправе. Convicts serving their sentence in prisons may. Уголовное законодательство Хорватии предусматривает наказание за торговлю людьми независимо от формы эксплуатации. Croatian criminal legislation envisages sanctions for trafficking in persons, regardless of the form of exploitation.
The first step, which typically appeals to nonconsequentialist values, shows how the commission of a crime renders the offender eligible for, or liable to, the kinds of coercive treatment that punishment involves: such treatment, which is normally inconsistent with the respect due to us as rational agents or as citizens, and inconsistent with the Kantian means principle, is rendered permissible by the commission of the offence. The second step is then to offer positive consequentialist reasons for imposing punishment on those who are eligible for it or liable to it: we should punish if and because this can be expected to produce sufficient consequential benefits to outweigh its undoubted costs.
Further nonconsequentialist constraints might also be placed on the severity and modes of punishment that can be permitted: constraints either flowing from an account of just what offenders render themselves liable to, or from other values external to the system of punishment. We must ask, however, whether we should be so quick to exclude fellow citizens from the rights and status of citizenship, or whether we should not look for an account of punishment if it is to be justified at all on which punishment can still be claimed to treat those punished as full citizens. The common practice of denying imprisoned offenders the right to vote while they are in prison, and perhaps even after they leave prison, is symbolically significant in this context: those who would argue that punishment should be consistent with recognised citizenship should also oppose such practices; see Lippke 2001b; Journal of Applied Philosophy 2005; see also generally s. The consent view holds that when a person voluntarily commits a crime while knowing the consequences of doing so, she thereby consents to these consequences. This is not to say that she explicitly consents to being punished, but rather than by her voluntary action she tacitly consents to be subject to what she knows are the consequences. Notice that, like the forfeiture view, the consent view is agnostic regarding the positive aim of punishment: it purports to tell us only that punishing the person does not wrong her, as she has effectively waived her right against such treatment. The consent view faces formidable objections, however. First, it appears unable to ground prohibitions on excessively harsh sentences: if such sentences are implemented, then anyone who subsequently violates the corresponding laws will have apparently tacitly consented to the punishment Alexander 1986. A second objection is that most offenders do not in fact consent, even tacitly, to their sentences, because they are unaware either that their acts are subject to punishment or of the severity of the punishment to which they may be liable. For someone to have consented to be subject to certain consequences of an act, she must know of these consequences see Boonin 2008: 161—64.
A third objection is that, because tacit consent can be overridden by explicit denial of consent, it appears that explicitly nonconsenting offenders could not be justifiably punished on this view ibid. Others offer contractualist or contractarian justifications of punishment, grounded in an account not of what treatment offenders have in fact tacitly consented to, but rather of what rational agents or reasonable citizens would endorse. The punishment of those who commit crimes is then, it is argued, rendered permissible by the fact that the offender himself would, as a rational agent or reasonable citizen, have consented to a system of law that provided for such punishments see e. For versions of this kind of argument, see Alexander 1980; Quinn 1985; Farrell 1985, 1995; Montague 1995; Ellis 2003 and 2012. For criticism, see Boonin 2008: 192—207. For a particularly intricate development of this line of thought, grounding the justification of punishment in the duties that we incur by committing wrongs, see Tadros 2011; for critical responses, see the special issue of Law and Philosophy, 2013. One might argue that the Hegelian objection to a system of deterrent punishment overstates the tension between the types of reasons, moral or prudential, that such a system may offer. Punishment may communicate both a prudential and a moral message to members of the community. Even before a crime is committed, the threat of punishment communicates societal condemnation of an offense. This moral message may help to dissuade potential offenders, but those who are unpersuaded by this moral message may still be prudentially deterred by the prospect of punishment.
Similarly, those who actually do commit crimes may be dissuaded from reoffending by the moral censure conveyed by their punishment, or else by the prudential desire to avoid another round of hard treatment. Through its criminal statutes, a community declares certain acts to be wrong and makes a moral appeal to community members to comply, whereas trials and convictions can communicate a message of deserved censure to the offender. Thus even if a system of deterrent punishment is itself regarded as communicating solely in prudential terms, it seems that the criminal law more generally can still communicate a moral message to those subject to it see Hoskins 2011a. A somewhat different attempt to accommodate prudential as well as moral reasons in an account of punishment begins with the retributivist notion that punishment is justified as a form of deserved censure, but then contends that we should communicate censure through penal hard treatment because this will give those who are insufficiently impressed by the moral appeal of censure prudential reason to refrain from crime; because, that is, the prospect of such punishment might deter those who are not susceptible to moral persuasion. See Lipkin 1988, Baker 1992. For a sophisticated revision of this idea, which makes deterrence firmly secondary to censure, see von Hirsch 1993, ch. For critical discussion, see Bottoms 1998; Duff 2001, ch. For another subtle version of this kind of account, see Matravers 2000. It might be objected that on this account the law, in speaking to those who are not persuaded by its moral appeal, is still abandoning the attempt at moral communication in favour of the language of threats, and thus ceasing to address its citizens as responsible moral agents: to which it might be replied, first, that the law is addressing us, appropriately, as fallible moral agents who know that we need the additional spur of prudential deterrence to persuade us to act as we should; and second, that we cannot clearly separate the merely deterrent from the morally communicative dimensions of punishment — that the dissuasive efficacy of legitimate punishment still depends crucially on the moral meaning that the hard treatment is understood to convey. One more mixed view worth noting holds that punishment is justified as a means of teaching a moral lesson to those who commit crimes, and perhaps to community members more generally the seminal articulations of this view are H.
Morris 1981 and Hampton 1984; for a more recent account, see Demetriou 2012; for criticism, see Deigh 1984, Shafer-Landau 1991. But education theorists also take seriously the Hegelian worry discussed earlier; they view punishment not as a means of conditioning people to behave in certain ways, but rather as a means of teaching them that what they have done should not be done because it is morally wrong. Thus although the education view sets offender reform as an end, it also implies certain nonconsequentialist constraints on how we may appropriately pursue this end. Another distinctive feature of the moral education view is that it conceives of punishment as aiming to confer a benefit on the offender: the benefit of moral education. Critics have objected to the moral education view on various grounds, however. Some are sceptical about whether punishment is the most effective means of moral education. Others deny that most offenders need moral education; many offenders realise what they are doing is wrong but are weak-willed, impulsive, etc. Each of the theories discussed in this section incorporates, in various ways, consequentialist and nonconsequentialist elements. Whether any of these is more plausible than pure consequentialist or pure retributivist alternatives is, not surprisingly, a matter of ongoing philosophical debate. One possibility, of course, is that none of the theories on offer is successful because punishment is, ultimately, unjustifiable.
The next section considers penal abolitionism. Abolition and Alternatives Abolitionist theorising about punishment takes many different forms, united only by the insistence that we should seek to abolish, rather than merely to reform, our practices of punishment. Classic abolitionist texts include Christie 1977, 1981; Hulsman 1986, 1991; de Haan 1990; Bianchi 1994. An initial question is precisely what practices should be abolished. Some abolitionists focus on particular modes of punishment, such as capital punishment see, e. Davis 2003. Insofar as such critiques are grounded in concerns about racial disparities, mass incarceration, police abuses, and other features of the U. At the same time, insofar as the critiques are based on particular features of the U. By contrast, other abolitionist accounts focus not on some particular mode s of punishment, or on a particular mode of punishment as administered in this or that legal system, but rather on criminal punishment in any form see, e. The more powerful abolitionist challenge is that punishment cannot be justified even in principle.
After all, when the state imposes punishment, it treats some people in ways that would typically outside the context of punishment be impermissible. It subjects them to intentionally burdensome treatment and to the condemnation of the community. Abolitionists find that the various attempted justifications of this intentionally burdensome condemnatory treatment fail, and thus that the practice is morally wrong — not merely in practice but in principle. For such accounts, a central question is how the state should respond to the types of conduct for which one currently would be subject to punishment. In this section we attend to three notable types of abolitionist theory and the alternatives to punishment that they endorse. But one might regard this as a false dichotomy see Allais 2011; Duff 2011a. A restorative process that is to be appropriate to crime must therefore be one that seeks an adequate recognition, by the offender and by others, of the wrong done—a recognition that must for the offender, if genuine, be repentant; and that seeks an appropriate apologetic reparation for that wrong from the offender. But those are also the aims of punishment as a species of secular penance, as sketched above. A system of criminal punishment, however improved it might be, is of course not well designed to bring about the kind of personal reconciliations and transformations that advocates of restorative justice sometimes seek; but it could be apt to secure the kind of formal, ritualised reconciliation that is the most that a liberal state should try to secure between its citizens. If we focus only on imprisonment, which is still often the preferred mode of punishment in many penal systems, this suggestion will appear laughable; but if we think instead of punishments such as Community Service Orders now part of what is called Community Payback or probation, it might seem more plausible.
This argument does not, of course, support that account of punishment against its critics. A similar issue is raised by the second kind of abolitionist theory that we should note here: the argument that we should replace punishment by a system of enforced restitution see e. For we need to ask what restitution can amount to, what it should involve, if it is to constitute restitution not merely for any harm that might have been caused, but for the wrong that was done; and it is tempting to answer that restitution for a wrong must involve the kind of apologetic moral reparation, expressing a remorseful recognition of the wrong, that communicative punishment on the view sketched above aims to become. More generally, advocates of restorative justice and of restitution are right to highlight the question of what offenders owe to those whom they have wronged — and to their fellow citizens see also Tadros 2011 for a focus on the duties that offenders incur. Some penal theorists, however, especially those who connect punishment to apology, will reply that what offenders owe precisely includes accepting, undertaking, or undergoing punishment. A third alternative approach that has gained some prominence in recent years is grounded in belief in free will scepticism, the view that human behaviour is a result not of free will but of determinism, luck, or chance, and thus that the notions of moral responsibility and desert on which many accounts of punishment especially retributivist theories depend are misguided see s. As an alternative to holding offenders responsible, or giving them their just deserts, some free will sceptics see Pereboom 2013; Caruso 2021 instead endorse incapacitating dangerous offenders on a model similar to that of public health quarantines. Just as it can arguably be justified to quarantine someone carrying a transmissible disease even if that person is not morally responsible for the threat they pose, proponents of the quarantine model contend that it can be justified to incapacitate dangerous offenders even if they are not morally responsible for what they have done or for the danger they present. One question is whether the quarantine model is best understood as an alternative to punishment or as an alternative form of punishment. Beyond questions of labelling, however, such views also face various lines of critique.
In particular, because they discard the notions of moral responsibility and desert, they face objections, similar to those faced by pure consequentialist accounts see s. International Criminal Law and Punishment Theoretical discussions of criminal punishment and its justification typically focus on criminal punishment in the context of domestic criminal law. But a theory of punishment must also have something to say about its rationale and justification in the context of international criminal law: about how we should understand, and whether and how we can justify, the punishments imposed by such tribunals as the International Criminal Court. For we cannot assume that a normative theory of domestic criminal punishment can simply be read across into the context of international criminal law see Drumbl 2007. Rather, the imposition of punishment in the international context raises distinctive conceptual and normative issues. Such international intervention is only justified, however, in cases of serious harm to the international community, or to humanity as a whole. Crimes harm humanity as a whole, on this account, when they are group-based either in the sense that they are based on group characteristics of the victims or are perpetrated by a state or another group agent. Such as account has been subject to challenge focused on its harm-based account of crime Renzo 2012 and its claim that group-based crimes harm humanity as a whole A. Altman 2006. We might think, by contrast, that the heinousness of a crime or the existence of fair legal procedures is not enough.
We also need some relational account of why the international legal community — rather than this or that domestic legal entity — has standing to call perpetrators of genocide or crimes against humanity to account: that is, why the offenders are answerable to the international community see Duff 2010. For claims of standing to be legitimate, they must be grounded in some shared normative community that includes the perpetrators themselves as well as those on behalf of whom the international legal community calls the perpetrators to account. For other discussions of jurisdiction to prosecute and punish international crimes, see W. Lee 2010; Wellman 2011; Giudice and Schaeffer 2012; Davidovic 2015. Another important question is how international institutions should assign responsibility for crimes such as genocide, which are perpetrated by groups rather than by individuals acting alone. Such questions arise in the domestic context as well, with respect to corporations, but the magnitude of crimes such as genocide makes the questions especially poignant at the international level. Several scholars in recent years have suggested, however, that rather than focusing only on prosecuting and punishing members of the groups responsible for mass atrocities, it may sometimes be preferable to prosecute and punish the entire group qua group. A worry for such proposals is that, because punishment characteristically involves the imposition of burdens, punishment of an entire group risks inflicting punitive burdens on innocent members of the group: those who were nonparticipants in the crime, or perhaps even worked against it or were among its victims. In response to this concern, defenders of the idea of collective punishment have suggested that it need not distribute among the members of the group see Erskine 2011; Pasternak 2011; Tanguagy-Renaud 2013; but see Hoskins 2014b , or that the benefits of such punishment may be valuable enough to override concerns about harm to innocents see Lang 2007: 255. Many coercive measures are imposed even on those who have not been convicted, such as the many kinds of restriction that may be imposed on people suspected of involvement in terrorism, or housing or job restrictions tied merely to arrests rather than convictions.
The legal measures are relevant for punishment theorists for a number of reasons, but here we note just two: First, at least some of these restrictive measures may be best regarded as as additional forms of punishment see Lippke 2016: ch. For such measures, we must ask whether they are or can be made to be consistent with the principles and considerations we believe should govern impositions of punishment. Second, even if at least some measures are not best regarded as additional forms of punishment, we should ask what justifies the state in imposing additional coercive measures on those convicted of crimes outside the context of the punishment itself see Ashworth and Zedner 2011, 2012; Ramsay 2011; Ashworth, Zedner, and Tomlin 2013; Hoskins 2019: chs. For instance, if we regard punishment as the way in which offenders pay their debts to society, we can argue that it is at least presumptively unjustified for the state to impose additional burdensome measures on offenders once this debt has been paid. To say that certain measures are presumptively unjustified is not, of course, to establish that they are all-things-considered prohibited. Various collateral consequences — restrictions on employment or housing, for example — are often defended as public safety measures. We might argue see Hoskins 2019: ch. Public safety restrictions could only be justifiable, however, when there is a sufficiently compelling public safety interest, when the measures will be effective in serving that interest, when the measures will not do more harm than good, and when there are no less burdensome means of achieving the public safety aim. Even for public safety measures that meet these conditions, we should not lose sight of the worry that imposing such restrictions on people with criminal convictions but who have served their terms of punishment denies them the equal treatment to which they, having paid their debt, are entitled on this last worry, see, e. In addition to these formal legal consequences of a conviction, people with criminal records also face a range of informal collateral consequences, such as social stigma, family tensions, discrimination by employers and housing authorities, and financial challenges.
These consequences are not imposed by positive law, but they may be permitted by formal legal provisions such as those that grant broad discretion to public housing authorities in the United States making admission decisions or facilitated by them such as when laws making criminal records widely accessible enable employers or landlords to discriminate against those with criminal histories. There are also widely documented burdensome consequences of a conviction to the family members or loved ones of those who are convicted, and to their communities. These sorts of informal consequences of criminal convictions appear less likely than the formal legal consequences to constitute legal punishment, insofar as they are not intentionally imposed by the state but see Kolber 2012. Still, the informal collateral consequences of a conviction are arguably relevant to theorising about punishment, and we should examine when, if ever, such burdens are relevant to sentencing determinations on sentencing, see s. Further Issues A number of further important questions are relevant to theorising about punishment, which can only be noted here. First, there are questions about sentencing. Who should decide what kinds and what levels of sentence should be attached to different offences or kinds of offence: what should be the respective roles of legislatures, of sentencing councils or commissions, of appellate courts, of trial judges, of juries? What kinds of punishment should be available to sentencers, and how should they decide which mode of punishment is appropriate for the particular offence? Considerations of the meaning of different modes of punishment should be central to these questions see e. Second, there are questions about the relation between theory and practice — between the ideal, as portrayed by a normative theory of punishment, and the actualities of existing penal practice.
Suppose we have come to believe, as a matter of normative theory, that a system of legal punishment could in principle be justified — that the abolitionist challenge can be met. It is, to put it mildly, unlikely that our normative theory of justified punishment will justify our existing penal institutions and practices: it is far more likely that such a theory will show our existing practices to be radically imperfect — that legal punishment as it is now imposed is far from meaning or achieving what it should mean or achieve if it is to be adequately justified see Heffernan and Kleinig 2000. If our normative theorising is to be anything more than an empty intellectual exercise, if it is to engage with actual practice, we then face the question of what we can or should do about our current practices. The obvious answer is that we should strive so to reform them that they can be in practice justified, and that answer is certainly available to consequentialists, on the plausible assumption that maintaining our present practices, while also seeking their reform, is likely to do more good or less harm than abandoning them. But for retributivists who insist that punishment is justified only if it is just, and for communicative theorists who insist that punishment is just and justified only if it communicates an appropriate censure to those who deserve it, the matter is harder: for to maintain our present practices, even while seeking their radical reform, will be to maintain practices that perpetrate serious injustice see Murphy 1973; Duff 2001, ch. Finally, the relation between the ideal and the actual is especially problematic in the context of punishment partly because it involves the preconditions of just punishment. That is to say, what makes an actual system of punishment unjust ified might be not its own operations as such what punishment is or achieves within that system , but the absence of certain political, legal and moral conditions on which the whole system depends for its legitimacy see Duff 2001, ch. Recent scholarship on punishment has increasingly acknowledged that the justification of punishment depends on the justification of the criminal law more generally, and indeed the legitimacy of the state itself see s. For example, if the state passes laws criminalising conduct that is not justifiably prohibited, then this calls into question the justification of the punishment it imposes for violations of these laws. Similarly, if the procedures by which criminal justice officials apprehend, charge, and prosecute individuals are unjustified, then the subsequent inflictions of punishment will be unjustified as well see Ristroph 2015 and 2016; on specific aspects of criminal procedure, see, e.
Bibliography Primoratz 1999, Honderich 2005, Ellis 2012, and Brooks 2013 are useful introductory books. Duff and Garland 1994; Ashworth, von Hirsch; and Roberts 2009; and Tonry 2011 are useful collections of readings.
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Русско-английский словарь. Перевод «Наказание». на английский язык: «punishment». Read the latest headlines, breaking news, and videos at , the definitive source for independent journalism from every corner of the globe. Federal Rules of Appellate Procedure. Federal Rules of Civil Procedure. Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure. Federal Rules of Evidence. Federal Rules of Bankruptcy Procedure. наказание, предусмотрено различной степени тяжести, в соответствии с совершенным преступлением!
Legal Punishment
Leicester's return to the English top-flight was confirmed at the first time of asking as Leeds suffered a shock 4-0 hammering against QPR at Loftus Road and celebrations got well underway in the Midlands. Как на английском сленге будет "смертник" (в смысле приговоренный к смертной казни)? Преступление и наказание в свежем выпуске BigAppleSchool Podcast. Ведущие пытаются выяснить, что толкает людей на совершение преступлений, спорят над темой реабилитации преступников в обществе, а также приводят аргументы за и против смертной казни. lashing, seizing, L. Knight. Примеры перевода «НАКАЗАНИЕ» в контексте.
Примеры употребления "punishment" в английском с переводом "наказание"
If the passions, or the necessity of war, have taught men to shed blood of their fellow creatures, the laws, which are intended to moderate the ferocity of mankind, should not increase it by examples of barbarity. It is even more horrible that this punishment is usually attended with formal pageantry. It is better to prevent crimes than to punish them. This should be the fundamental principle of any good legislation. Под справедливостью мы понимаем узы, которые необходимо сохраняют интересы людей объединенными, без которых люди вернутся в первоначальное состояние варварства. Все наказания, которые превышают необходимость сохранения этой связи, являются по своей природе несправедливыми. Конечной целью наказания является не что иное, как предотвращение нанесения преступником нового вреда обществу, и препятствование подобных преступлений. Следовательно, должны быть выбраны такое наказания и такие способы нанесения их, которые произведут самые сильные и неизгладимые впечатления на умы других людей, с наименьшей мукой для преступника.
Пытки преступника в ходе судебного процесса над ним являются жестоким освященным обычаем в большинстве стран.
На прошлой неделе они арестовали тебя за то, что ты стукнул свою мать, формально ты избежал наказания С чего они вообще о тебе подумали? They arrested you last week for whacking your mother. You got off on a technicality. Now, the woman next door turns up dead from a blow to the head. What could possibly make them think of you? Скопировать Он не может быть превыше закона только потому, что он полицейский. Он не должен избежать наказания только благодаря неожиданному результату.
Он избил невинного человека, сломал скулу, сломал руку, отправил его в больницу. He beat up an innocent man... Скопировать Ты знаешь, мы с ним не разговариваем. Это часть его наказания. Как ты можешь часами сидеть и слушать это? How can you just sit here hour after hour and listen to that? Скопировать — Школьный лагерь.
Warning - Предупреждение о штрафе 6. Traffic violation - Нарушение правил дорожного движения 7. Speeding - Превышение скорости 8. Parking fine - Штраф за неправильную парковку 9. Toll - Плата за проезд 10. Court fee - Судебный сбор 11. Fine amount - Сумма штрафа 12. Late fee - Пеня за просрочку 13. Penalty points - Штрафные очки 14. Penalty notice - Уведомление о штрафе 15. Penalty charge - Штрафная плата 16. Administrative fine - Административный штраф 17. Tax penalty - Налоговый штраф 18. Monetary penalty - Денежный штраф 19. Speed camera ticket - Штраф за фотофиксацию нарушения 20. Red light violation - Нарушение красной сигнализации 21. Driving without a license - Вождение без прав 22. Driving under influence - Вождение в состоянии алкогольного опьянения 23. Overloading - Перегрузка транспортного средства 24. Overtaking violation - Нарушение правил обгона 25. Failure to carry documents - Нарушение правил о ношении документов 26. Littering fine - Штраф за мусор в общественных местах 27. Dog fouling fine - Штраф за загрязнение общественных мест животным 28. Smoking fine - Штраф за курение в общественных местах 29.
Перевод: Констанция Гарнетт. The book was written in 1865 — 1866. Читайте лучшие произведения русской и мировой литературы полностью онлайн бесплатно и без регистрации, без сокращений. Бесплатное чтение книг.
Перевод "наказание" на английский
Ср … Словарь синонимов Наказание — Любая реакция, следующая за определенным событием и уменыпающая вероятность возникновения этого события в будущем. К примеру, если ребенка бранят каждый раз, когда он кормит собаку едой со стола, то в конце концов он прекратит это делать. Александр Пушкин Кто жалеет розги своей, тот ненавидит сына; а кто любит, тот с детства наказывает его. Царь Соломон Притчи, 13, 24 В книге Бытия немало примеров наказания тех, кто ослушался… … Сводная энциклопедия афоризмов НАКАЗАНИЕ — punishment Преднамеренное нанесение ущерба субъекту уполномоченными на то лицами, являющееся результатом нарушения им правил, соблюдение которых от него требуют и за нарушение которых он считается ответственным. Поскольку принудительная власть… … Политология. Наказание — лат.
UN-2 В рамках пенитенциарной системы телесные наказания являются противозаконными в качестве меры наказания за совершенное преступление и в качестве дисциплинарной меры в пенитенциарных учреждениях In the penal system, corporal punishment is unlawful as a sentence for crime and as a disciplinary measure in penal institutions MultiUn Кроме того, Уголовно-процессуальный кодекс гарантирует им доступ к адвокату, а также устанавливает, что заявления, сделанные под пыткой, не могут быть использованы в качестве доказательств, а Закон о компенсации в сфере уголовного наказания предусматривает, что все лица, незаконно задержанные или подвергнутые актам пытки во время нахождения под стражей, имеют право требовать материальной компенсации.
In addition, they were guaranteed access to a lawyer by the Code of Criminal Procedure, which also stipulated that statements obtained through torture could not be used as evidence, and the Penal Compensation Act provided that any person unlawfully held in detention or tortured during detention had the right to request financial compensation. UN-2 Просьба представить информацию о мерах если таковые имели место , принятых для профилактики "дедовщины" в армии, а также пыток и других жестоких, бесчеловечных или унижающих достоинство видов обращения и наказания в вооруженных силах, осуществляемых должностными лицами или с их ведома, молчаливого согласия или одобрения, в результате которых жертвам причиняется серьезный физический и психический вред. Please provide information on the measures taken, if any, to prevent hazing dedovshchina in the military, as well as torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment in the armed forces, conducted by or with the consent, acquiescence or approval of officers, resulting in severe physical and mental harm to the victims. UN-2 Дику нужно идти домой выполнять наказание. Dick has to go home and do his forfeit. It is to be noted that the severest punishment, that is eight years of imprisonment, is for the age group 15—18 and for the offenses which are punishable by death and life imprisonment for adults.
UN-2 Еще одной проблемой является дефицит официальных данных относительно применения Закона No 243.
Тот, кто крадёт, заслуживает наказания. Incarceration remains an exceptional disciplinary punishment. Помещение в карцер остается исключительной мерой дисциплинарного наказания. You see, the punishment was working. Так что видите, наказание действовало. Which is the most severe punishment?
Что является наиболее тяжелым наказанием? This would be an administrative punishment. Это и было бы для них административным наказанием. That is cruel and unusual punishment. Это очень жестокое и необычное наказание.
Translated in English by Constance Garnett. Роман «Преступление и наказание» на английском языке. Автор Ф. Перевод: Констанция Гарнетт.